21 months  until the Germans  arrived in 1941. What  was  the
experience of Western
     Ukrainians  under  Russian  communism?  It  was  traumatic.  On top  of
suppression of culture and
     confiscation of property, there was terror:

     The  most  widespread  and  feared  measure  was  deportation.  Without
warning,
     without  trial, even without formal  accusation,  thousands of  alleged
"enemies of
     the people" were  arrested, packed  into  cattle cars, and  shipped  to
Siberia and
     Kazakhstan to work as slave laborers under horrible conditions. Many of
these
     deportees,  including  entire  families,  perished.  ...  According  to
Metropolitan
     Andrei Sheptytsky,  the  Soviets deported about 400,000 Ukrainians from
Galicia
     alone.  ... West  Ukrainians found their  first exposure to  the Soviet
system to
     be a generally negative experience and many concluded that  "Bolshevik"
rule had
     to be avoided at all costs. (Orest Subtelny, Ukraine:  A History, 1994,
pp.
     456-457)


     Vasyl  Hryshko (Experience with Russia,  1956, p. 117)  puts the number
killed or deported in
     Western  Ukraine  during  the  Soviet  occupation  at  750,000. It  was
commonly perceived by
     Ukrainians  that Jews  were  disproportionately  represented among  the
Communists inflicting this
     suffering upon Ukraine.

     During the  preceding few days. As  the  Soviets retreated, the NKVD  -
perceived by Ukrainians to
     be manned  disproportionately  by  Jews  -  went  on a  killing  spree.
Concerning this event, there
     seems  to   be  widespread  agreement.  Particularly  relevant  to  our
discussion, is that even Simon
     Wiesenthal can be found adding  his voice of assent in the fifth of the
series of quotations
     below:

     While the movement to the  East was taking  place, the NKVD carried out
mass
     arrests and executions,  chiefly of  Ukrainians - especially  those who
tried to
     avoid  evacuation.  In  the  jails  most  prisoners  whose  period   of
imprisonment was
     more than three years were shot; others were evacuated if possible.  In
several
     cities the  NKVD  burned  prisons with prisoners  in  them.  (Volodymyr
Kubijovyc,
     editor, Ukraine:  A Concise Encyclopaedia, University of Toronto Press,
Toronto,
     1963,  Volume  I,  p. 878,  Vsevolod  Holubnychy and  H.  M. wrote this
section)


     The   Bolsheviks   succeeded  in  annihilating  some  10,000  political
prisoners in
     Western Ukraine before and after the outbreak of hostilities (massacres
took
     place in the  prisons in Lviv, Zolochiv,  Rivne,  Dubno,  Lutsk, etc.).
(Volodymyr
     Kubijovyc, editor, Ukraine:  A  Concise  Encyclopaedia,  University  of
Toronto
     Press, Toronto, Volume 1, p. 886)


     Before  fleeing  the  German  advance  the  Soviet  occupational regime
murdered
     thousands of Ukrainian civilians, mainly members of the city's [Lviv's]
     intelligentsia. (Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Volume 3, p. 222)


     The  Soviets' hurried retreat  had tragic consequences for thousands of
political
     prisoners in the  jails  of Western Ukraine. Unable to evacuate them in
time,
     the NKVD slaughtered their prisoners en  masse during the week of 22-29
June
     1941, regardless of whether they were incarcerated for major or minor
     offenses. Major massacres occurred in Lviv, Sambir, and Stanyslaviv in
     Galicia, where about 10,000  prisoners died, and  in Rivne and Lutsk in
Volhynia,
     where  another  5000  perished.  Coming   on  the  heels  of  the  mass
deportations and
     growing  Soviet  terror, these  executions added greatly  to  the  West
Ukrainians'
     abhorrence  of the Soviets. (Orest Subtelny,  Ukraine: A History, 1994,
p. 461)


     When the German attack  came on 22 June the Soviets had no time to take
with
     them  the people they  had  locked  up.  So  they  simply killed  them.
Thousands of
     detainees were  shot  dead in their cells  by  the  retreating Soviets.
(Simon
     Wiesenthal, Justice Not Vengeance, 1989, p. 35)


     Right after  the entry we  were shown 2,400 dead bodies  of  Ukrainians
liquidated
     with a shot at  the  scruff of the neck  at  the city  jail of  Lemberg
[Lviv] by the
     Soviets prior to their marching off.  (Hans Frank, In the  Face  of the
Gallows,
     p. 406)


     In Lvov, several thousand prisoners had been held in  three jails. When
the
     Germans  arrived on  29  June,  the  city  stank, and  the prisons were
surrounded by
     terrified  relatives. Unimaginable atrocities  had occurred inside. The
prisons
     looked like abattoirs.  It had taken the  NKVD a week to complete their
gruesome
     task before  they fled. (Gwyneth Hughes and Simon Welfare,  Red Empire:
The
     Forbidden History of the USSR, 1990, p. 133)


     We learned  that,  before  the Russian troops  had  left, a  very great
number of
     Lemberg citizens, Ukrainians and Polish inhabitants of other towns and
     villages  had  been  killed  in  this  prison  and  in  other  prisons.
Furthermore,
     there were many corpses of German men and officers, among them many Air
Corps
     officers,  and  many of them were found  mutilated.  There was a  great
bitterness
     and excitement among  the Lemberg population  against the Jewish sector
of the
     population. (Erwin Schulz, from  May until 26 September, 1941 Commander
of
     Einsatzkommando  5, a subunit  of Einsatzgruppe C, in John  Mendelsohn,
editor,
     The Holocaust:  Selected Documents  in Eighteen  Volumes, Garland,  New
York,
     1982, Volume 18, p. 18)


     On  the next day,  Dr. RASCH informed us to the  effect that the killed
people in
     Lemberg amounted to about 5,000.  It  has been determined  without  any
doubt
     that the  arrests and  killings had taken place under the leadership of
Jewish
     functionaries and with the participation of the Jewish inhabitants of
     Lemberg. That was  the reason why there was such  an excitement against
the
     Jewish population  on the part of the Lemberg citizens.  (Erwin Schulz,
from
     May until 26 September,  1941 Commander of Einsatzkommando 5, a subunit
of
     Einsatzgruppe C,  in John Mendelsohn,  editor,  The Holocaust: Selected
Documents
     in Eighteen Volumes, Garland, New York, 1982, Volume 18, p. 18)


     Chief  of Einsatzgruppe B reports that Ukrainian insurrection movements
were
     bloodily  suppressed by the NKVD on June  25, 1941 in Lvov. About 3,000
were
     shot by NKVD. Prison  burning.  Hardly 20% of Ukrainian  intelligentsia
has
     remained.  (Operational Situation Report USSR No. 10, July  2, 1941, in
Yitzhak
     Arad, Shmuel Krakowski, and Shmuel Spector, The Einsatzgruppen Reports:
     Selections  from  the  Dispatches  of the Nazi Death  Squads'  Campaign
Against the
     Jews July 1941-January 1943, Holocaust Library, New York, 1989, p. 2)


     Location: Lvov
     According to  reliable information, the  Russians, before  withdrawing,
shot
     30,000 inhabitants. The corpses piled  up and burned at the GPU prisons
are
     dreadfully mutilated. The population  is  greatly  excited:  1,000 Jews
have
     already  been  forcefully  gathered  together.  (Operational  Situation
Report USSR
     No.  11, July 3,  1941, in  Yitzhak  Arad, Shmuel Krakowski, and Shmuel
Spector,
     The Einsatzgruppen Reports: Selections from the Dispatches  of the Nazi
Death
     Squads' Campaign Against  the Jews  July  1941-January  1943, Holocaust
Library,
     New York, 1989, p. 4)


     Location: Zviahel (Novograd-Volynski)
     ...
     Before  leaving,  the  Bolsheviks,  together  with  the  Jews, murdered
several
     Ukrainians; as an excuse, they used the attempted Ukrainian uprising of
June
     25, 1941, which tried to free their prisoners.
     According  to  reliable  information,  about  20,000   Ukrainians  have
disappeared
     from Lvov, 80% of them belonging to the intelligentsia.
     The  prisons  in  Lvov  were  crammed  with  the  bodies   of  murdered
Ukrainians.
     According to a moderate  estimate, in  Lvov  alone 3-4,000 persons were
either
     killed or deported.
     In Dobromil, 82 dead bodies were found, 4 of them Jews. The latter were
     former  Bolsheviki  informers  who had  been  killed  because of  their
complicity in
     this act.  Near Dobromil an obsolete  salt mine  pit was discovered. It
was
     completely  filled  with  dead  bodies. In the immediate  neighborhood,
there is a
     6X15m mass grave. The number of those murdered in the Dobromil area is
     estimated to be approximately several hundred.
     In Sambor on June 26, 1941, about 400 Ukrainians were shot by the
     Bolsheviks. An additional  120 persons were murdered on June  27, 1941.
The
     remaining 80 prisoners succeeded in overpowering the Soviet guards, and
fled.
     ...
     As early as 1939, a larger number of Ukrainians was shot, and 1,500
     Ukrainians as well as 500 Poles were deported to the east.
     Russians and Jews committed these murders in very cruel ways. Bestial
     mutilations were daily occurrences.  Breasts of women  and genitals  of
men were
     cut  off. Jews have also nailed children  to the wall and then murdered
them.
     Killing was carried out by shots in the back of the neck. Hand grenades
were
     frequently used for these murders.
     In  Dobromil,  women and men were killed with blows by a hammer used to
stun
     cattle before slaughter.
     In many cases, the prisoners must  have  been tortured  cruelly:  bones
were
     broken, etc. In  Sambor, the prisoners were gagged  and thus  prevented
from
     screaming during torture and murder.  The  Jews, some of whom also held
official
     positions, in addition  to their economic supremacy, and who  served in
the
     entire Bolshevik police, were always partners in these atrocities.
     Finally, it was established that seven [German] pilots who had been
     captured were murdered. Three of them were found in a Russian military
     hospital where they had been murdered in  bed by  shots in the abdomen.
...
     ... Prior to their withdrawal, the Bolsheviks shot 2,800 out of 4,000
     Ukrainians imprisoned in the Lutsk prison.  According to  the statement
of 19
     Ukrainians  who  survived  the  slaughter  with  more or  less  serious
injuries, the
     Jews again played a decisive part in the arrests and shooting. ...
     The investigations at Zlochev proved that the Russians, prior to their
     withdrawal,  arrested and  murdered  indiscriminately  a total  of  700
Ukrainians,
     but,   nevertheless,    included   the    entire   [local]    Ukrainian
intelligentsia.
     (Operational Situation Report USSR  No. 24, July  16,  1941, in Yitzhak
Arad,
     Shmuel Krakowski,  and  Shmuel  Spector,  The  Einsatzgruppen  Reports:
Selections
     from the Dispatches of the Nazi Death Squads' Campaign Against the Jews
July
     1941-January 1943, Holocaust Library, New York, 1989, p. 29-33)


     Location: Pleskau [Pskov] ...
     The population is in general convinced that it is mostly the Jews who
     should  be  held  responsible  for the  atrocities  that are  committed
everywhere.
     ...
     As it was  learned  that the  Russians  before  they left  have  either
deported
     the Ukrainian intelligentsia, or executed them, that is, murdered them,
it is
     assumed that in the last days before the retreat of the Russians, about
100
     influential Ukrainians were murdered [in  Pleskau]. So far  the  bodies
have not
     been found - a search has been initiated.
     About 100-150 Ukrainians were  murdered  by the Russians  in Kremenets.
Some
     of  these Ukrainians are  said  to  have been  thrown into cauldrons of
boiling
     water. This has been deduced  from the fact  that the bodies were found
without
     skin when they were exhumed. ...
     ... Before leaving Dubno, the Russians, as they had done in Lvov,
     committed extensive mass-murder.
     ... Before their flight [from Tarnopol], as in Lvov and Dubno, the
     Russians went on a  rampage there. Disinterments  revealed 10 bodies of
German
     soldiers. Almost all of  them  had their hands  tied behind their backs
with
     wire. The bodies revealed traces of extremely cruel mutilations such as
gouged
     eyes, severed tongues and limbs.
     The number of Ukrainians who were murdered by the Russians, among them
     women and children,  is set finally  at 600. Jews and Poles were spared
by the
     Russians. The  Ukrainians  estimate  the  total  number  of  [Tarnopol]
victims since
     the  occupation of  the Ukraine by  the  Russians  at about  2,000. The
planned
     deportation of the Ukrainians already started in  1939. There is hardly
a
     family  in  Tarnopol  from  which  one  or  several  members  have  not
disappeared.
     ...  The  entire  Ukrainian  intelligentsia  is  destroyed.  Since  the
beginning of
     the  war, 160 members  of  the  Ukrainian  intelligentsia  were  either
murdered or
     deported. Inhabitants of the town had observed a column of about 1,000
     civilians driven out of town by police and army early in the morning of
July 1,
     1941.
     As  in Lvov, torture  chambers  were discovered  in the cellars  of the
Court of
     Justice. Apparently,  hot  and cold showers were  also used here (as in
Lemberg
     [Lviv]) for torture, as several bodies were found, totally naked, their
skin
     burst and torn in many places. A grate was found in  another room, made
of wire
     and set above the ground about 1m in height, traces of ashes were found
     underneath. A Ukrainian engineer, who was also to be murdered but saved
his
     life by smearing the blood of a dead victim over his face, reports that
one
     could also  hear  screams  of pain from women  and  girls. (Operational
Situation
     Report USSR No.  28, July 20, 1941, in Yitzhak  Arad, Shmuel Krakowski,
and
     Shmuel  Spector,  The   Einsatzgruppen  Reports:  Selections  from  the
Dispatches of
     the Nazi  Death Squads'  Campaign Against the  Jews  July  1941-January
1943,
     Holocaust Library, New York, 1989, p.38-40)


     F. Fedorenko

        MY TESTIMONY

     When the bolsheviks retreated before the German onslaught in the Second
     World War they took care in advance  not to leave any prisoners  behind
when the
     Germans arrived.

     The prisoners were driven, en masse, under heavy NKVD guard deep into
     Russia or Siberia, day and night. Many of them were so tired that  they
could
     go no  further.  These  were shot without compunction where  they fell.
Terrible
     things happened then. Sometimes, wives  recognized their husbands among
the
     evacuees, as the prisoners were  being  driven  through  the  villages.
There was
     great despair when they saw their loved ones taken under the muzzles of
     automatic guns, to far, unknown places.

     The villagers took care of those who did not die at once from the NKVD
     bullets, but this was a  very  dangerous  thing to  do  before all  the
bolsheviks
     cleared out.

     But the  NKVD could not evacuate all the prisoners, there  were so many
arrests,
     and jails were replenished constantly. In such a case  the NKVD, before
making
     a hasty retreat, would murder the prisoners in their cells.

     I recall that when the Germans  came,  in the fall of 1941, to a little
town,
     Chornobil, on the Prypyat River, 62 miles  west of  Kiev, 52 corpses of
recently
     murdered people, slightly covered with  earth, were found in the prison
yeard.

     These  corpses  had  their hands tied  at the back  with wire; some had
their backs
     flayed, others had gouged eyes or nails driven into their heels;  still
others
     had their noses, ears, tongues and even genitals cut away.  Instruments
of
     torture which the  communists used  were found  in  the dungeon of  the
prison.

     Many of the tortured  people  were identified because  they were mostly
farmers
     from the local  collectives who  had been arrested by the NKVD for some
unknown
     reason.

     For instance,  one girl (whose  name  I  cannot  recall  now) from  the
village of
     Zallissya, a mile and a quarter from  Chornobil,  was arrested  because
one day
     she failed to go to  dig trenches. All were compelled at that time,  to
dig
     anti-tank  trenches.  The girl  was sick  but  there  was no  doctor to
examine her
     and the NKVD arrested her, never to return.

     Two days  later,  when  the Germans arrived,  she was  found  among the
fifty-two
     corpses.  (F.  Fedorenko,  My  Testimony, in  The  Black  Deeds  of the
Kremlin: A
     White Book,  Ukrainian  Association of  Victims  of  Russian  Communist
Terror,
     Toronto, 1953, pp. 97-98)


     Andriy Vodopyan

        CRIME IN STALINE

     In  this ciy  in the NKVD prison  factory  the  communists executed 180
persons
     and buried them in two holes dug in the prison yard. The corpses were
     liberally treated with unslaked lime, especially the faces.

     My brother  was sentenced  to three months in jail for  coming late  to
work.
     After  serving 18 days in  the  factory prison  he was set free,  and a
month later
     was drafted to the Red Army because this was in July 1941.

     Later, his wife and my mother found  him among the corpses, identifying
him by
     the left hand finger, underwear and papers he had on him.

     This  atrocity  came to light when  prisoners  who remained alive  were
liberated.
     They had also  a very close  call.  Six  days before the arrival of the
German
     troops they heard muffled shots.

     The prison  was  secretly mined by  NKVD agents  in preparation for the
German
     invaders. (Andriy Vodopyan, Crime in Staline, in The Black Deeds of the
     Kremlin:  A  White Book,  Ukrainian Association of Victims  of  Russian
Communist
     Terror, Toronto, 1953, p. 121)


     Yuriy Dniprovy

        INNOCENT VICTIMS

     In the little town of Zolotnyky in the Ternopil region the bolsheviks
     murdered  a captain of the  former  Ukrainian  Galician  Army (UHA)  of
1918-1922,
     Mr. Dankiw, and clerks of the Ukrainian cooperative store, the sisters
     Magdalene,  Sophia  and  Clementine  Husar from  the  suburb  of  Vaha.
Clementine and
     Magdalene were tortured  in  a beastly  manner and had their breats cut
off.

     Other people  executed at that time were:  Slavko  Demyd, Yosyp  Vozny,
Vasyl
     Burbela,  Zynoviy Kushniryna, Pavlo Kushniryna  and  a non-commissioned
officer of
     the UHA, Mr. Tsiholsky. (Yuriy Dniprovy, Innocent Victims, in The Black
Deeds
     of  the  Kremlin: A  White Book, Ukrainian  Association  of  Victims of
Russian
     Communist Terror, Toronto, 1953, p. 122)


        P. K.

        THE INFERNAL DEVICE OF THE RUSSIAN COMMUNISTS

     (By an eyewitness) In the year 1942, when the Red Army, harassed by the
     German divisions, retreated from  Katerynodar (Krasnodar), the regional
NKVD
     division evacuated all the prisoners and sent them in the direction of
     Novorossiysk. The  railway line between  Katerynodar and the station of
Krymska
     was  jammed by nearly two hundred  freight  boxcars filled to  capacity
with
     political prisoners.

     Suspecting that all these prisoners might fall into German hands the
     Russian NKVD men, as a precautionary measure,  poured gasoline  on  the
cars and
     let them burn.

     Thus a few thousand people perished  in inhuman torture merely  because
they
     were suspected of anti-communism.

     When  the  Germans  entered  Katerynodar  they  found in  the  regional
divisional
     building of the NKVD in Sinny Bazar, a horrible torture chamber. In the
vault
     of this building there was a dark  passage  which  ended with  a wooden
platform
     which dipped down at a  sharp angle. Right  underneath  it there was  a
machine
     which resembled  a straw chopper. It was a disk equipped with  a system
of big
     knives that revolved at great speed. It was powered by a motor.

     After questioning, the innocent victims were driven by the NKVD agents
     towards the wooden platform and rolled under the knives of the hellish
     meatchopper. The chopped bones and flesh of the  victims fell into  the
sewers
     and were carried away with a stream of sewage into the river Kuban.

     Having discovered this horrible place,  the Germans gave permission  to
all
     who wished to view this inhuman device. Thousands of people visited the
place,
     among them the author of these lines.

     Other nations direct their talents towards the discovery of better
     medicines, new materials, better means of communication to make living
     conditions better. The Russian people are  using  all their talents for
the
     production of machines and new methods of mass murder  and torture. (P.
K., The
     infernal  device of  the Russian Communists (by an eyewitness), in  The
Black
     Deeds of the Kremlin: A White Book, Ukrainian Association of Victims of
Russian
     Communist Terror, Toronto, 1953, pp. 123-124)


     M. Kowal

        BOLSHEVIK MURDERS

     I  am Michael Kowal,  from the  town of  Kaminka Strumylova in the Lviw
Region
     in Ukraine.  During  the  communist  occupation  of Western  Ukraine  I
personally
     witnessed three arrests in  my native town on  June 22, 1941,  those of
Bohdan
     Mulkevich, and Michael Mulkevich who lived on Zamok Street, and Michael
     Mulkevich's  blacksmith  apprentice,  presumably from  the  village  of
Rymaniw in
     the same Region.  They were suspected  of disloyalty  to  the communist
regime.
     After th communist  retreat from Kaminska-Strumylova they were found in
the
     town  prison  with  33 other  victims, murdered in a horribly  sadistic
manner. All
     the corpses  were tied together with barbed wire  and all bore signs of
terrible
     beatings.  Some had nails driven into  their  skulls. None of them  had
been shot
     to  death.  Their  bodies,  nude  and  badly  mauled, were  practically
unrecognizable
     to their relatives.
     Bohdan Mulkevish's wife recognized  her husband,  but, trying to verify
her
     identification by his gold  teeth, found them missing.  All  the bodies
were
     taken away fro interment.
     That Same day 19 other bodies were discovered near the village of Todan
     about  9  or  10 kilometers from  Kaminka-Strumylova. They were tied to
trees and
     their chests were pierced with bayonets. These were all identified by
     relatives  and taken away for  burial. (M. Kowal, Bolshevik Murders, in
The
     Black  Deeds of  the Kremlin: A White  Book, Ukrainian  Association  of
Victims of
     Russian Communist Terror, Toronto, 1953, p. 529)


     Andriy Vodopyan

        A RAVINE FILLED WITH THE BODIES OF CHILDREN

     I was serving in the Soviet Russian Army. Our artillery unit was
     retreating before the Germans in the direction of Yeletsk. On September
18,
     1941, our unit came  to  a wide  ravine  situated about  14  miles from
Chartsysk
     station, and  about  60  miles  from  the city of Staline.  The  ravine
stretched
     from  the  station  of  Chartsysk to the  station  of Snizhy.  When  we
approached the
     ravine we were taken aback by  a horrible sight.  The whole ravine  was
filled
     with  the bodies of children. They  were  lying in different positions.
Most of
     them were from 14 to 16 years of  age. They were dressed in  black, and
we
     recognized them as students of the F.S.U., a well-known trade and craft
     school. We counted 370 bodies altogether.  All  of them had been killed
by
     machine gun fire.
     This group  of  children  was being  evacuated  from  Staline  when the
Germans
     neared the city. The children  had marched 60 miles, and, exhausted and
unable
     to continue walking, asked for transportation.  The officers  in charge
promised
     to send  them trucks.  Instead of trucks, a  detachment of the  Russian
political
     police (NKVD) arrived, and shot the children in cold blood with machine
guns.
     This  ravine,  filled with hundreds of bodies of slain  children, moved
even the
     soldiers,  accustomed  as  they were  to  the sight  of  death. (Andriy
Vodopyan, A
     Ravine Filled With the Bodies of Children, in S. O. Pidhainy (ed.), The
Black
     Deeds of the Kremlin: A White Book, Ukrainian Association of Victims of
Russian
     Communist Terror, Toronto, 1953, p. 529)


     Rev. J. Chyrva was imprisoned in 1941 when the Russian Communist armies
were
     withdrawing from the city of Riwne. He happened to be  cast into one of
those
     jails in  which the communists, fleeing from  advancing  German armies,
attempted
     to  rid  themselves  of  as  many  prisoners  as possible  by  throwing
hand-grenades
     into the crowded cells. When the first grenade was thrown into the cell
where
     Rev. J. Chyrva was kept, he was the first to fall - his foot shattered.
On him
     fell many  mutilated bodies, covering him, thus saving his life. Later,
when
     people  came into the cell, they found all the  prisoners dead with the
exception
     of Rev. J. Chyrva. He is alive today, a witness of that horrible
     manslaughter. (Rev. Lev  Buchak, Persecution  of Ukrainian  Protestants
under the
     Soviet Rule, in S. O. Pidhainy (ed.), The Black Deeds of the Kremlin: A
White
     Book,  Ukrainian Association of  Victims  of Russian Communist  Terror,
Toronto,
     1953, p. 529)


     The Bolsheviks had arrested thousands of Ukrainian  patriots, and prior
to their
     retreat, they  killed  them  savagely.  For  some  reason  even  highly
regarded
     Jewish authors  understate the number of Ukrainian victims of Bolshevik
terror.
     Gerald  Reitlinger  gives a  figure of three to  four thousand in  Lviv
alone.
     Hilberg speaks  of "the Bolsheviks  deporting  Ukrainians," but he does
not
     furnish any  overall figures. But  on the  basis of  a German  document
(RSHA
     IV-A-1, Operational Report USSR no. 28, 20 July 1941, No-2943), which I
was
     unable to verify, he recounts one particularly horrible episode:
     In Kremenets 100-150 Ukrainians had been killed by the Soviets.
     When some of the exhumed corpses were found without skin, rumors
     circulated that the Ukrainians had been thrown into kettles of
     boiling water. The Ukrainian population retaliated by seizing
     130 Jews and beating them to death with clubs.

     He also quotes the French collaborator Dr. Frederic as saying that the
     Bolsheviks  killed eighteen thousand  Ukrainian  political prisoners in
Lviv and
     its outskirts alone.

     Basing his remarks on an anonymous article entitled "The Ethnocide of
     Ukrainians  in the USSR," in  the  dissident journal Ukrainian  Herald,
Issue 7-8,
     the  Ukrainian-American publicist  Lew Shankowsky  gives  the following
number of
     victims of Bolshevik terror in Galicia and Volhynia:  as many  as forty
thousand
     killed   in  the  prisons  of  Lviv,  Lutsk,  Rivne,  Dubno,  Ternopil,
Stanyslaviv (now
     Ivano-Frankivsk), Stryi,  Drohobych,  Sambir, Zolochiv and  other towns
and
     settlements. The fact of the matter is that, justifiably or not, some
     Ukrainians  felt that some  Jews were  in the  employ  of the Stalinist
secret
     police, the NKVD. For instance,  it was pointed out to me by a resident
of
     Western Ukraine that a high NKVD official in Lviv, a certain Barvinsky,
was
     Jewish, despite his Ukrainian name. (Yaroslav Bilinsky, Methodological
     Problems and Philosophical  Issues  in  the Study  of  Jewish-Ukrainian
Relations
     During the Second World War, pp. 373-394, in Howard Aster and Peter J.
     Potichnyj (eds.), Ukrainian-Jewish Relations in Historical Perspective,
     Canadian  Institute  of Ukrainian  Studies, Edmonton,  1990,  footnotes
deleted)


     In their hasty and often panic-stricken retreat, the Soviet authorities
were
     not  about  to evacuate the  thousands of prisoners they  had arrested,
mostly
     during their last months of rule in western Ukraine. Their solution,
     implemented at the end  of June and in early July 1941, was to kill all
inmates
     regardless of whether they had committed minor or major crimes  or were
being
     held for  political  reasons. According to  estimates, from  15,000  to
40,000
     prisoners were killed during the  Soviet retreat from  eastern  Galicia
and
     western  Volhynia.   (Paul  Robert  Magocsi,  A  History  of   Ukraine,
University of
     Washington Press, Seattle, 1996, p. 624)


     Was the Ukrainian perception of  disproportionate  Jewish participation
in the Soviet secret
     police  accurate?  Observations  such as  the  following  suggest  that
perhaps it was: Yoram Sheftel,
     Ivan  Demjanjuk's Israeli defense  attorney,  reports the following  in
connection with his visit to
     the Simferopol, Ukraine, KGB headquarters in 1990:

     On  the right-hand wall was a stone  memorial plaque engraved with  the
names of
     about  thirty KGB  men  from  Simferopol who  had  fallen in  the Great
Patriotic War,
     as the Soviets call World War II. I was shocked and angry as I read the
names:
     the first was  Polonski and  the last Levinstein, and all those between
were ones
     like Zalmonowitz, Geller and Kagan - all Jews. The best of Jewish youth
in
     Russia,  the cradle of Zionism, had sold itself and its soul to the Red
Devil.
     (The Demjanjuk Affair: The Rise and Fall of a Show-Trial, 1994, p. 301)


     Curious wording, incidentally. In the eyes of Sheftel, this plaque does
not list torturers and
     butchers, it lists "youth." These torturers and butchers are not chosen
from the "worst" of
     Jews, but from  the "best." And whereas  a  Ukrainian might tend to the
view that the members of
     the  NKVD were the Red Devil, Sheftel views them as merely having  sold
their souls to some
     hypothetical Red Devil residing  elsewhere. Sheftel,  it seems, extends
his sympathy not to the
     victims  of  the  torturers  and  butchers,  but to the  torturers  and
butchers themselves, who after
     all  are  merely "the best of  Jewish  youth"  led astray  by some "Red
Devil" - in other words, to be
     viewed not as falling  among the victimizers, but  among the victims. I
suppose that there exist
     even today apologists who might speak of Adolf  Eichmann as an instance
of the best of German
     youth who had sold his soul to the Nazi Devil.

     Of course Sheftel's sample of 30 is not necessarily a  sample  that  is
representative of the
     entire NKVD; however the Jewish domination of the entire NKVD is  not a
rare or dubious
     hypothesis, but  is one, rather, that  is  upheld  from  more than  one
direction:

     As a Jew, I'm  interested in another question entirely:  Why were there
so many
     Jews  among the  NKVD-MVD investigators  - including many of  the  most
terrible?
     It's a painful question for me but I cannot evade it. (Yevgenia Albats,
The
     State Within a State: The KGB and its Hold on Russia, Past, Present and
Future,
     1994, p. 147)


     Jews  abounded  [also] at the  lower levels  of  the  Party machinery -
especially in
     the Cheka and its successors, the GPU, the OGPU and the NKVD.... It is
     difficult  to suggest a satisfactory reason for the prevalence  of Jews
in the
     Cheka. It may be that having suffered at the hand of the former Russian
     authorities  they  wanted  to seize the reins of real power in  the new
state for
     themselves.  (Leonard  Shapiro,  The  Role  of  Jews  in   the  Russian
Revolutionary
     Movement, Slavonic and East European Review, 1961, 40, p. 165)


     More  recently,  I  have  compiled  statistics from data  presented  by
Shapoval which suggests that
     out of every ten  leading members of  the Cheka-GPU-NKVD  in Ukraine, 6
were Jewish, 2 Russian, 1
     Ukrainian, and 1 other.

     Now  within  this  historical context  - the Ukrainian  Holocaust eight
years previously, the
     21-month  Communist  reign  of  terror,  and  the recent  slaughter  of
Ukrainians by the retreating
     Communists - would it be surprising if upon the arrival of the Germans,
these Western Ukrainians
     had felt liberated by the Germans and at the same time  vengeful toward
the Communists, and would
     it  be  surprising if among their first actions was the seeking out and
punishment of any
     perpetrators and collaborators  who had not been able to  flee with the
retreating Communists?
     No, it would not be surprising - and yet that is not what happened.


     Zero Retribution

     Prior  to  the arrival  of the Germans,  there  was no  anti-Jewish  or
anti-Communist violence. If
     any  impulse  for  vengeance existed,  then  it  was  inhibited  -  the
Ukrainian population had been
     decimated, deprived of its leadership, throttled  into submission.  For
all they knew, the
     Communists who had just left might return that very same day and resume
the slaughter, starting
     first  with any  who had dared to lift a  vengeful  hand. For all  they
knew, this was just the calm
     before a new storm,  just a few  hours'  respite while names were taken
for the next round of NKVD
     executions. And the last person  to lift a hand against would  be a Jew
because the Jew had
     traditionally occupied the position of authority:

     From  the Ukraine  Einsatzkommando  6  of Einsatzgruppe C  reported  as
follows:

     Almost nowhere can the population be persuaded to take
     active steps against the Jews. This may be explained by the
     fear of many people that the Red Army may return. Again and
     again this anxiety has been pointed out to us. Older people
     have remarked that they had already experienced in 1918 the
     sudden retreat of the Germans. In order to meet the fear
     psychosis, and in order to destroy the myth ... which, in the
     eyes of many Ukrainians, places the Jew in the position of
     the wielder of political power, Einsatzkommando 6 on several
     occasions marched Jews before their execution through the
     city. Also, care was taken to have Ukrainian militiamen
     watch the shooting of Jews.

     This "deflation" of the Jews in the public eye did not have the desired
     effect. After  a  few  weeks, Einsatzgruppe C complained once more that
the
     inhabitants did not betray the movements of hidden Jews. The Ukrainians
were
     passive, benumbed by the "Bolshevist  terror." Only the ethnic  Germans
in the
     area were  busily  working  for  the Einsatzgruppe. (Raul Hilberg,  The
Destruction
     of the European Jews, 1961, p. 202)


     The picture painted by Raul Hilberg is not at all the one of Ukrainians
enthusiastically
     slaughtering Jews that was painted  by Morley  Safer in his 60  Minutes
broadcast:

     The  Slavic  population stood estranged  and  even  aghast  before  the
unfolding
     spectacle of the "final solution." There was on the whole  no impelling
desire
     to cooperate in a process of such utter ruthlessness. The fact that the
Soviet
     regime, fighting off the Germans a few hundred miles to  the east,  was
still
     threatening to  return, undoubtedly acted as a  powerful restraint upon
many a
     potential collaborator.  (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European
Jews,
     1985, p. 308)


     Raul Hilberg is not the only historian testifying to the  fact that the
Einsatzgruppen organized
     and  instigated the pogroms, and  that they  were disappointed  by  the
results. Leo Heiman below,
     for example, reaffirms  this,  and  adds the detail that the pogromists
had a short attention span
     with  respect  to the  German-inspired motive  of anti-Semitism,  being
instead readily diverted by
     "looting and plunder." "Lemberg," of course, is Lviv:

     The results of  diligent  Nazi  efforts to  organize "Ukrainian  pogrom
mobs" were
     disappointing.... According to official  German documents introduced by
the
     prosecution  during  the Eichmann trial,  the  Nazi  commander  of S.D.
Einsatzgruppe
     "Kommando  Lemberg"  complained  to  his  superiors that "...to rely on
local people
     to take the law of retribution in their own hands, and themselves carry
out
     final solution measures against Jews, is hopeless. We organized several
action
     groups,  but they  soon degenerated into  ordinary  pogrom  mobs,  more
interested in
     looting  and  plunder  than in energetic and forceful measures  against
Jews. The
     number  of Jews eliminated by  mobs runs less than  two  thousand in my
area of
     operations, and the damage  done by mobs to  property, as  well  as the
disruption
     of order, does not justify this kind of action. I have no choice but to
employ
     my own men." (Leo Heiman, Ukrainians and the Jews, in Walter Dushnyck,
     Ukrainians and Jews: A  Symposium, The  Ukrainian Congress Committee of
American,
     New York, 1966, p. 60)


     In reading the above Einsatzgruppe report, many question  come to mind.
Just how would a pogrom
     mob be organized? - Might  it be staffed entirely by  criminals held in
custody by the Germans?
     What weapons  would  be  given the pogromists? Would it be safe to give
incarcerated criminals
     weapons  and  then  to  release  them  on  their  own  recognisance?  -
Obviously, they would tend to
     escape  and  then,  being  armed,  would  be particularly  dangerous to
recapture. Wouldn't armed
     Germans have to accompany the pogromists in order to steer them to  the
proper targets, to keep
     them  from getting out of  control, and to make  sure that weapons were
returned? - In which case,
     how much of the  killing would be done by the supervising Germans? What
was the ethnic
     composition of these pogromists?  Above  I  cited Raul Hilberg  stating
"Only the ethnic Germans in
     the area were busily working for the Einsatzgruppe," which brings us to
the realization that a
     pogrom  within  Ukraine  is  not necessarily  a pogrom  perpetrated  by
Ukrainians, and so brings us
     also  to  the question of  how  many  of  the pogromists  were Germans,
Russians, Poles, or Jews?

     Raul Hilberg discusses two motives for  the Nazis to  incite pogroms in
Ukraine, the second of
     which will be of particular relevance when we discuss further below the
origin of the historical
     documentary footage broadcast by 60 Minutes:

     Why  did  the  Einsatzgruppen endeavor to start pogroms in the occupied
areas?
     The reasons which  prompted the killing  units to activate  anti-Jewish
outbursts
     were  partly administrative, partly  psychological.  The administrative
principle
     was very simple: every  Jew killed in a pogrom was  one less burden for
the
     Einsatzgruppen. A  pogrom brought them, as they expressed it, that much
closer
     to the "cleanup goal".... The psychological consideration was more
     interesting. The Einsatzgruppen wanted the population to take a  part -
and a
     major part at that  - of the responsibility for the killing operations.
"It was
     not  less  important,  for  future  purposes,"  wrote Brigadefuhrer Dr.
Stahlecker,
     "to  establish as an unquestionable fact that  the liberated population
had
     resorted to the most severe measures against the Bolshevist  and Jewish
enemy,
     on   its  own   initiative   and  without  instructions   from   German
authorities." In
     short,  the  pogroms were to become the defensive weapon with  which to
confront
     an  accuser, or an element of blackmail that could  be used against the
local
     population. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the  European Jews, 1961,
p. 203)


     Two of  the conclusions that Raul Hilberg draws  concerning pogroms  in
Ukraine flatly contradict
     the Wiesenthal-Safer story of a massive pre-German pogrom in Lviv:

     First, truly  spontaneous pogroms, free from Einsatzgruppen  influence,
did not
     take place; all outbreaks were either organized or inspired by the
     Einsatzgruppen. Second,  all pogroms  were implemented  within a  short
time after
     the arrival of the killing units. They  were not self-perpetuating, nor
could
     new ones be started after things had settled down. (Raul Hilberg, The
     Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 312)


     Raul Hilberg  describes what may have been  the  chief - or  the only -
Lviv pogrom quite
     differently - it occurred after the  arrival of the Germans, and it did
not involve the killing
     of 5,000-6,000 Jews:

     The Galician capital of Lvov was the scene of a mass seizure by local
     inhabitants.  In  "reprisal" for  the deportation of Ukrainians by  the
Soviets,
     1000  members of the  Jewish  intelligentsia  were driven  together and
handed over
     to  the Security Police. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European
Jews,
     1961, p. 204)


     But even  this  milder  version of  an  anti-Jewish  eruption -  now  a
post-German one - is not easy to
     credit. The arrest of  one  thousand targeted individuals within a city
is something that can
     only  be done  by a large team  of  professionals backed by  a research
staff, weapons,
     telecommunications  equipment,  vehicles. Before anyone would undertake
such a daunting task,
     furthermore, they would need to be assured that the  thousand prisoners
would be wanted and that
     they could  be  processed  -  only  an  ambivalent  gratitude  might be
expected for having herded a
     thousand  prisoners through  the streets to the  local  police  station
which was not expecting them
     - and so it is implausible that local inhabitants would act without  at
the very least
     consultation and coordination with the occupying authorities. From what
we have discussed
     above,  we  would  expect  the  local  inhabitants   to  be  devoid  of
initiative, able to follow orders
     perfunctorily in order to save their  lives, but quite unable to muster
the resources to round up
     one thousand  individuals on their own. If any such round-up did occur,
then, it would more
     plausibly have been at the instigation of, and under the  direction of,
the German occupiers.

     But to return to 60 Minutes,  the  reality is  that the  sort of pogrom
described by Simon
     Wiesenthal - massive in scale and initiated by Ukrainians independently
of German instigation -
     never took place. The most that the Germans could incite a small number
of Ukrainians to
     contribute - and who knows exactly how large a contribution  these  few
Ukrainians really made
     alongside the Germans in such actions - was closer to the following:

     In  Kremenets 100-150 Ukrainians had  been killed by the Soviets.  When
some of
     the exhumed corpses were found without skin, rumors circulated that the
     Ukrainians had been  thrown  into kettles full  of  boiling water.  The
Ukrainian
     population retaliated by  seizing  130  Jews and beating  them to death
with
     clubs. ... The Ukrainian violence as a whole did not come up to
     expectations.  (Raul Hilberg, The  Destruction of  the  European  Jews,
1961, p.
     204)


     But on  the principle  that  the person  readiest to  contradict  Simon
Wiesenthal is Simon Wiesenthal
     himself, we turn to other statements that he has made:

     The Ukrainian  police ...  had  played  a  disastrous role  in  Galicia
following the
     entry of the German troops at the end of June and the beginning of July
1941.
     (Simon Wiesenthal, Justice Not Vengeance, 1989, p. 34, emphasis added)


     In the same account,  Wiesenthal  does mention a  Lviv pogrom  of three
day's duration, but
     unambiguously places it after the German occupation:

     Thousands of detainees were shot dead in their cells by the retreating
     Soviets. This gave  rise  to one of the craziest  accusations  of  that
period:
     among the strongly anti-Semitic population the rumour was spread by the
     Ukrainian nationalists that all Jews were Bolsheviks and all Bolsheviks
were
     Jews. Hence it was the Jews who were really to blame for the atrocities
     committed by the Soviets.
     All the Germans needed to do was to exploit this climate of opinion. It
is
     said  that after their arrival they gave the Ukrainians free  rein, for
three
     days,  to  'deal'  with  the  Jews.   (Simon  Wiesenthal,  Justice  Not
Vengeance, 1989,
     p. 36, emphasis added)


     In conclusion,  Mr. Wiesenthal's  story  of a  massive pre-German  Lviv
pogrom is contradicted by
     other testimony, some of it his own.  Mr. Safer  had the  good sense to
subtract 3,000 fatalities
     from Mr.  Wiesenthal's upper estimate of 6,000, suggesting that  he too
is aware of Mr.
     Wiesenthal's unreliability.  Had Mr.  Safer dared  to subtract  another
3,000, he would have hit
     the nail right  on the head. If  one  were  to sum up within one  short
statement the picture that
     emerges from a consideration of  the evidence, and if  in  doing so one
were to be uninhibited by
     considerations of political correctness,  then an apt summary  might be
that during the very
     interval that Morley Safer claims that Ukrainians were  killing Jews by
the thousands, in fact it
     was Jews that were killing Ukrainians by the thousands. George Orwell's
1984 has arrived and is
     in  place  -  now our media drum  into us that black is white,  love is
hate, war is peace,
     Ukrainians killed Jews.


     Morely Safer Invents Corroborative Events

     Furthermore,  in  connection  with  the  possibility  of   a   massive,
pre-German Lviv pogrom, 60 Minutes
     insinuated into  the pre-German  interval  three  events which gave the
viewer the impression that
     the pre-German pogrom in question  was well-documented and incapable of
being doubted: (1) the
     arrest of Mr. Wiesenthal's mother, (2) the shooting of Mr. Wiesenthal's
mother-in-law, and (3)
     the scenes depicted in "remnants of a film":

     SAFER: But even before the Germans entered Lvov, the Ukrainian militia,
the
     police, killed 3,000 people in 2 days here.

     LUBACHIVSKY: It is not true!

     SAFER: It's horribly true  to Simon Wiesenthal - like thousands of Lvov
Jews,
     his mother was led to her death by the Ukrainian police.
     These are remnants of a film the Germans  made of  Ukrainian brutality.
The
     German high command described the Ukrainian behavior as 'praiseworthy.'

     WIESENTHAL: My wife's mother was shot to death because she could not go
so
     fast.

     SAFER: She couldn't keep up with the rest of the prisoners.

     WIESENTHAL. Yes. She was shot to death by a Ukrainian policeman because
she
     couldn't walk fast.

     SAFER: It was the Lvov experience that compelled Wiesenthal to seek out
the
     guilty, to bring justice.


     The  above  passage starts by mentioning Lviv prior  to  arrival of the
Germans, and it ends with a
     reference to "the Lvov experience," which invites the viewer to imagine
that the events
     mentioned in  the same passage happened during the pre-German interval.
However, examining Mr.
     Wiesenthal's biographies  for confirmation  of  the first two of  these
events - the arrest of his
     mother  and the shooting of his mother-in-law - turns up the  following
(it will help at this
     point to recollect that  Lviv  was occupied by the Germans on June  30,
1941):

     In August [1942]  the SS was loading  elderly Jewish women into a goods
truck at
     Lvov  station.  One  of  them   was  Simon  Wiesenthal's  mother,  then
sixty-three.
     ... His wife's mother was shortly afterwards shot dead  by a  Ukrainian
police
     auxiliary on the steps of her house. (Peter Michael Lingens, in Simon
     Wiesenthal, Justice Not Vengeance, 1989, p. 8)


     "My  mother was in August 1942 taken  by a Ukrainian  policeman," Simon
says,
     lapsing swiftly into  the present tense as  immediacy takes  hold.  ...
Around
     the same time,  Cyla Wiesenthal  [Mr. Wiesenthal's wife]  learned that,
back in
     Buczacz,  her mother had been shot to death by a Ukrainian policeman as
she was
     being evicted from her  home. (Alan Levy, The Wiesenthal File, 1993, p.
41)


     We see, therefore, that 60 Minutes seems  to have advanced  the date of
arrest of Simon
     Wiesenthal's mother  as well  as  the  shooting of his mother-in-law by
more than a year in order to
     lend credibility to the  claim of  Ukrainian-initiated  actions against
Jews prior to the German
     occupation of Lviv.

     Also  attributed  to  the  pre-German interval by  60  Minutes were the
events depicted in the
     "remnants  of a film" quoted  above, but as  we shall see below,  these
scenes are not scenes of a
     pogrom and they did not antedate the arrival of the Germans either.

     As a final piece of contradictory evidence, Andrew  Gregorivich reports
being told by a resident
     of  Lviv during those days that  there was not a three-day gap  between
the departure of the
     Soviets and the  arrival of the Germans (Jews & Ukrainians, Forum,  No.
91, Fall-Winter 1994, p.
     29)

     And as a final comment on the possibility of  a pre-German Lviv pogrom,
one might note that the
     pogrom  claimed  by  Morley Safer  is  massive  in  scale,  that  Simon
Wiesenthal claimed to be right in
     the middle of  it, and that it  was this very pogrom  which  "compelled
Wiesenthal to seek out the
     guilty, to bring justice." One might expect, then, that this particular
pogrom would have
     occupied some of Mr. Wiesenthal's attention as a Nazi  hunter, and  yet
we are faced with the
     incongruity that he seems not  to have brought any of  its perpetrators
to justice.


     Impulsive Execution

     We have just seen Mr.  Wiesenthal  reporting that his mother-in-law was
"shot to death by a
     Ukrainian policeman because she couldn't walk fast." Such a thing might
well have happened, of
     course,  but  in view  of  Mr.  Wiesenthal's lack  of  credibility,  it
behooves us to notice that it is
     somewhat implausible.  In  fact, impulsive  killing  of  this sort  was
forbidden by the German
     authorities for many reasons.

     (1) Any  optimistic illusions of  those arrested concerning their  fate
were better preserved until
     the  last  possible  moment -  this  to  decrease  the  possibility  of
emotional outbursts, protests, or
     resistance.

     (2) As arrests were continuous and unending, there would be the need to
prevent forewarning
     those slated for arrest at a later time of the reality that the arrests
were malevolently
     motivated.  Optimally,  all  targeted  victims  should believe that the
arrest was part of a
     "relocation," an  illusion  that a gratuitous shooting in the course of
the arrest would dispel.

     (3)  There was  the desirability also of keeping all killings as secret
as possible so as not to
     arouse  the fear or indignation of  the  general populace. Raul Hilberg
describes how even the
     roundups themselves were kept as much as possible  from view - how much
more self-conscious,
     then, would the Germans feel about a public killing:

     During the stages of concentration, deportations, and killings, the
     perpetrators  tried  to  isolate  the  victims  from  public  view. The
administrators
     of destruction  did not want untoward publicity about their work.  They
wanted
     to avoid  criticism  of their  methods  by  passers-by.  Their  psychic
balance was
     jeopardized enough, especially in the field, and any  sympathy extended
to the
     victim was  bound  to result  in additional  psychological  as well  as
operational
     complications. ... Any rumors or stories carried from the scene were an
     irritant and a threat to the perpetrator.
     Precautions  were   consequently  plentiful.  In   Germany,  Jews  were
sometimes
     moved out  in the early morning hours before  there was traffic  in the
streets.
     Furniture  vans  without windows were used  to  take  Jews  to  trains.
Loading might
     be planned for a siding where human waste was collected. In Poland, the
local
     German administrators would order the Polish population to stay indoors
and
     keep the windows closed with blinds drawn during roundups of Jews, even
though
     such a directive was notice of an impending  action. Shooting sites, as
in Babi
     Yar  in  Kiev, were selected to  be at least beyond hearing distance of
local
     residents. (Raul Hilberg, Perpetrators,  Victims,  Bystanders, 1992, p.
215)


     (4)  Public executions would create witnesses able to later  testify as
to Nazi culpability, and
     gunfire in a city would attract attention.

     (5) In allowing impulsive killing, mistakes would  be made, non-Jews or
non-Communists killed.

     (6) In  an arrest, it would hardly  be worthwhile to inform  the police
participants as to the
     perhaps many purposes of the arrest or the  final disposition of  those
arrested; in some cases,
     therefore,  those  arrested,  or some among  those arrested,  might  be
slated not for extermination
     but  for interrogation: they might have useful information, they  might
have monetary assets that
     needed to  be ascertained or  confiscated, they might  have rare skills
which could be put into the
     service of  the Nazis - and so permitting the impulsive killing  of any
of the arrested would
     interfere with these plans.

     (7) Perhaps  among those arrested  might  be informants  who  would  be
questioned and released, and
     so again none of those being arrested should be impulsively killed.

     (8) An impulsive  execution would create the problem of what to do with
the body of someone
     impulsively executed in the  street -  to leave the body in  the street
would be unacceptable, and
     yet to send a truck to pick it up would consume scarce resources.

     (9)  An impulsive execution might lead  to  blood being splattered over
the participants, or might
     lead to a  bullet passing through the intended victim  and  hitting  an
unintended target.

     (10) Anyone so trigger-happy as to shoot a woman for walking too slowly
posed a danger to
     everyone, even  to his German superiors, and so would not be  tolerated
within the German forces.

     (11)  The Germans  viewed the  optimal  executioner  as  one who  found
killing distasteful, but killed
     dutifully  upon  command.  Anyone  who  enjoyed  killing,  within which
category must fall anyone who
     killed on impulse, was a degenerate  and  had a corrupting influence on
those around him, most
     importantly on Germans who after the war would be expected to return to
Germany and resume
     civilian life. With respect to German personnel, at least, the attitude
was as follows:

     The Germans sought to avoid damage to "the soul" ... in the prohibition
of
     unauthorized killings. A sharp line was drawn between killings pursuant
to
     order and  killings induced by  desire. In  the  former case a  man was
thought to
     have overcome  the "weakness"  of  "Christian morality"; in  the latter
case he was
     overcome by his own baseness.  That was  why in  the occupied USSR both
the army
     and  the civil  administration sought to restrain their personnel  from
joining
     the shooting parties at the killing sites. [In the case of the SS,] if
     selfish, sadistic, or sexual motives [for an unauthorized killing] were
found,
     punishment  was  to  be  imposed  for  murder or for  manslaughter,  in
accordance with
     the facts. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of  the European  Jews, 1985,
pp.
     1009-1010)


     The  killing  of  the Jews was  regarded as  historical necessity.  The
soldier had
     to "understand" this. If  for any reason he was instructed to help  the
SS and
     Police in their task, he was  expected  to obey  orders. However, if he
killed a
     Jew spontaneously, voluntarily, or without instruction, merely  because
he
     wanted to kill, then he committed an abnormal act, worthy perhaps of an
     "Eastern European" (such as a Romanian) but dangerous to the discipline
and
     prestige of the  German army. Herein lay the crucial difference between
the man
     who  "overcame"  himself  to  kill  and   one  who  wantonly  committed
atrocities. The
     former was regarded as a good soldier and a true Nazi; the latter was a
person
     without self-control, who would be a danger to his  community after his
return
     home.  (Raul  Hilberg,  The Destruction  of the European Jews, 1985, p.
326)


     Every unauthorized  shooting of local inhabitants,  including Jews,  by
individual
     soldiers   ...  is  disobedience  and  therefore  to  be  punished   by
disciplinary
     means,  or  -  if  necessary - by  court  martial.  (Raul Hilberg,  The
Destruction of
     the European Jews, 1985, p. 327)


     Although avoiding damage to the Slavic soul would not have had the same
high priority to the
     Nazis as  avoiding damage to the  German  soul, nevertheless, it  would
have been more difficult to
     keep Germans from  wanton killing  if that same wanton killing had been
permitted to their Slavic
     auxiliaries.

     For these many  reasons,  then, and in view of Mr. Wiesenthal's overall
lack of credibility, one
     may well wonder whether his mother-in-law  really met  her  end in  the
manner indicated.



        CONTENTS:
     Preface
     The Galicia Division
     Quality of Translation
     Ukrainian Homogeneity
     Were Ukrainians Nazis?
     Simon Wiesenthal
     What Happened in Lviv?
     Nazi Propaganda Film
     Collective Guilt
     Paralysis of the Comparative
     Function
     60 Minutes' Cheap Shots
     Ukrainian Anti-Semitism
     Jewish Ukrainophobia
     Mailbag
     A Sense of Responsibility
     What 60 Minutes Should Do
     PostScript



     Nazi Propaganda Film

     Historical  documentary  footage was  shown to 60  Minutes viewers  and
identified as Ukrainians
     abusing Jews,  and the impression  was created  that  German  cameramen
happened to come across these
     spontaneous  outrages and filmed them as they were  taking place.  This
too is a falsification.

     The truth is that when the Germans entered Lviv, they made a propaganda
film - they gathered up
     a handful of street thugs and staged scenes in which mistresses  of the
recently-fled NKVD were
     stripped  and  "wallowed  in  the  gutter"  and  collaborators  of  the
recently-fled Communist regime,
     some  of whom were  probably Jewish, were humiliated  and roughed up in
the street. That several
     of the victims are  shown  naked or half-naked  suggests  that this was
just such a humiliation, and
     not an  arrest. Certainly, as German cameramen were present, the action
must have taken place
     after the arrival of the Germans, and as German soldiers are seen to be
in attendance, the
     action  cannot be  viewed as having been initiated  by  Ukrainians. And
neither can the action be
     interpreted as a pogrom,  as  the civilians are unarmed and no wounding
or killing is recorded; in
     fact, in footage  60 Minutes chose  not to show, the women  can be seen
dressing themselves and
     leaving the scene:

     Several women suspected for collaborating with the NKVD were rounded up
by
     street gangs  organized by the Nazis,  stripped naked, then thrown into
the
     gutters in front of the prison. The event lasted for a few hours.
     "While the public humiliation of  any  female is deplorable, the  other
photos
     in the  series show  that these women  left the  scene intact" ... says
Katelynksy.
     "Moreover," he adds, "this staged outburst of revenge was mild compared
     with the "bloody reprisals of the liberated French."
     "In 1944 and  1945, countless women were publicly humiliated  and  over
15,000
     of  their   compatriots  were  tortured,  hanged,  or  shot  for   Nazi
collaboration in
     France. Yet the photographs of these bloody events are, for reasons of
     sensitivity,  not  published  by the  Western press and the events  are
rarely
     mentioned by historians." (Ukrainian News, Edmonton, March 1993, No. 3)


     In short, some  and possibly all of the historical footage broadcast by
60 Minutes was not the
     Ukrainian populace spontaneously attacking  Jews, but rather was street
criminals directed by the
     Germans  to rough  up Communist collaborators  among whom were probably
Jews. It is, therefore,
     misleading to represent the scenes as either spontaneous  in  origin or
initiated by Ukrainians or
     motivated by Ukrainian anti-Semitism.

     What  must  be kept in mind is that  the Nazis had  their  reasons  for
making this film: (1) they
     were trying to convince Germans back  home  that  Nazi attitudes toward
Bolsheviks and Jews were
     not   uniquely  German,  but  rather  were  universal;  (2)  they  were
demonstrating to the intimidated
     Ukrainian population that Bolsheviks and Jews  need no longer be feared
and that they could be
     attacked with impunity;  and  (3) they  were taking a first step toward
dragging a handful of
     Ukrainians into complicitous guilt.


     Bodies on the Ground

     One photograph  inserted into the  middle of these "remnants of a film"
was of bodies lying in
     rows  on the  ground.  Of  course  Morley  Safer  does not identify the
photograph - he does not
     attribute it  to  a  source, he  mentions  no  date  or place.  As  the
photograph is being shown, Mr.
     Safer is saying that  Simon Wiesenthal  "remembers that even before the
Germans arrived, Ukrainian
     police went  on a  three-day killing spree." The impression left in the
viewer's mind, therefore,
     is  that these must  be  some of  the 5,000  to  6,000 victims of  that
killing spree.

     Three details of this photograph,  however, suggest otherwise:  (1) The
bodies are shown lying in
     snow, whereas the killing spree was supposed to have taken place in the
three days before the
     German occupation of Lviv on June 30, 1941. (2) The legs of  one of the
bodies are visible, and
     these legs are skeletally thin, which suggests a famine victim and  not
the victim of a pogrom,
     or  else  suggests  that this  is an  exhumed  corpse. If these  are in
reality famine victims, then
     they are more likely to be Ukrainians than Jews. (3) Most of the shapes
on the ground resemble
     small  heaps rather than bodies, which suggests that  the photograph is
one of exhumed remains
     from some old  mass grave - and  we may reflect that in June  1941  (if
that was when this
     photograph was taken), the inhabitants of Ukraine's  many  mass  graves
were predominantly
     Ukrainians and  not Jews. Thus, there is a very  real possibility  that
Morley Safer is using a
     photograph of Ukrainians killed by Jews as evidence of  Jews killed  by
Ukrainians.


     The Wallowing Photograph

     The last scene of  this Nazi  propaganda footage that was presented  by
Morley Safer has a
     notorious history  of  being  presented  in various  publications  with
wildly different
     interpretations  -  of  which  Time  Magazine's  "Wallowing Photograph"
fiasco of 22Feb93 is but one
     instance.    In   fact,   this    photograph   is   taken    from   the
wallowing-in-the-gutter German propaganda
     film that we have been discussing above. Whereas Time magazine  editors
did not go so far as to
     concede this,  they  were able  to muster enough integrity  to  express
ignorance and confusion, and
     also to retract and to apologize:

     Despite our best  efforts,  we have not  been able to  pin down exactly
what
     situation the photograph portrays.  But there is enough confusion about
it for
     us to regret  that our caption,  in addition  to misdating the picture,
may well
     have conveyed a false impression. (Time, April 19, 1993)


     And yet this  same  notorious photograph has been recycled yet again by
60 Minutes and broadcast
     as if it had unequivocal significance. Time admitted that it was wrong,
Morley Safer cannot
     escape having to do the same.

     It is  a curious incongruity that while professing  to  oppose Naziism,
Morley Safer nevertheless
     broadcasts a Nazi propaganda film  and invites  60  Minutes' viewers to
take it at face value. The
     propaganda of one era is, half a century later,  dredged up  to  become
the propaganda of another
     era, but with a switch from approval  to disapproval - the Germans used
the film to portray
     Ukrainians as good anti-Semites, and so why shouldn't Mr. Safer use the
same film to portray
     Ukrainians as bad anti-Semites?



        CONTENTS:
     Preface
     The Galicia Division
     Quality of Translation
     Ukrainian Homogeneity
     Were Ukrainians Nazis?
     Simon Wiesenthal
     What Happened in Lviv?
     Nazi Propaganda Film
     Collective Guilt
     Paralysis of the Comparative
     Function
     60 Minutes' Cheap Shots
     Ukrainian Anti-Semitism
     Jewish Ukrainophobia
     Mailbag
     A Sense of Responsibility
     What 60 Minutes Should Do
     PostScript



     Collective Guilt

     What was the rate of Ukrainian  criminal collaboration with  the  Nazis
during the Second World
     War? I do not ask here for  the rate  of perfunctory  and  non-culpable
collaboration - not, for
     example, for a count which includes Ukrainian prisoners  of war who, to
save their lives, donned
     German  uniforms  and  then  found  themselves  serving out the war  as
reluctant camp guards, which
     have been more accurately referred to as "prisoner guards" because even
while serving as guards,
     such Ukrainians continued to be themselves  prisoners. No, not that low
level of culpability,
     but  rather an active  collaboration palpably  greater than would  have
been necessary for survival,
     well beyond the minimum that would be offered by all but the few saints
and martyrs among us -
     in  short, collaboration of  a magnitude that  could plausibly lead  to
criminal prosecution. Let
     us imagine several possibilities. As the population of  Ukraine  at the
time was 36 million,
     different   collaboration   rates   give  us  a   different  number  of
collaborators:

     Rate of Criminal Collaboration
     Number of Criminal Collaborators
     1/100,000
     1/ 10,000
     1/ 1,000
     360
     3,600
     36,000


     Were  there 360 Ukrainians known to  have criminally collaborated  with
the Nazis during World War
     II?  Perhaps there were,  though  I  do not know of any such definitive
list, and wonder if one
     exists. However, 360 criminal collaborators only makes for one criminal
collaborator out of
     every 100,000 Ukrainians.

     Could  there have been 3,600 criminal collaborators? I  doubt it, and I
challenge anyone to come
     up with a credible list this long. Note that I do not challenge someone
to pull a number out of
     the  air  equal  to or exceeding 3,600 - likely there  is more than one
researcher at 60 Minutes who
     would find such a task not difficult - but rather, I challenge  someone
to come up with a
     documented list of names of Ukrainians who  criminally  participated in
Nazi war crimes, where the
     list  includes  a  description  of the crimes, their  locations,  their
dates, and credible supportive
     evidence. I repeat - this has not been done and cannot be done. And yet
3,600 certified
     criminal  collaborators  would  make for only one criminal collaborator
out of every 10,000
     Ukrainians.

     And  what  about   36,000   criminal   collaborators?  The  notion   is
preposterous. No documentation
     exists  to  support  such  a fantastic claim. And  yet  36,000 criminal
collaborators would make for
     only one criminal collaborator out of every 1,000 Ukrainians.

     The  middle  figure  -  one  criminal  collaborator  for  every  10,000
Ukrainians - is possibly a wild
     exaggeration,  and would give us 3,600  criminal  collaborators  - more
than enough to account for
     all the stories of Ukrainian savagery, brutality, and sadism,  even the
ones that aren't true.

     Such speculations as the  above  happen  to coincide approximately with
published estimates. For
     example  Professor Stefan Possony reports that "The records of Israel's
War Crimes Investigations
     Office  indicate that  throughout occupied Europe some 95,000 nazis and
nazi collaborators were
     directly   connected   with   anti-Jewish   measures,  massacres,   and
deportations...." (The
     Ukrainian-Jewish Problem,  Plural Societies,  Winter  1974). The middle
column below contains the
     rate of anti-Semitic war criminality 1939-1945  per 10,000  population,
and the right-hand column
     contains the estimated number of such war criminals. Possony points out
that these figures fail
     to  cover Croats, Serbs, and Jews themselves who also  "were  forced to
participate in the
     extermination" (p.  92). It must be kept  in  mind that Possony did not
himself conduct any
     research,  but  is  merely passing  on  Israeli  estimates without  any
scrutiny of his own; neither is
     it explained how the incidence per 10,000 is calculated - we may wonder
when Russians together
     with  Byelorussians  contribute  9,000  war  criminals  and  Ukrainians
contributed 11,000, and when we
     know that  the number  of Russians together  with Byelorussians is much
greater than the number of
     Ukrainians,  how it can be that the  Russian rate  of  8/10,000 can  be
higher than the Ukrainian
     rate of  3/10,000. Perhaps the  calculation used as  a  denominator the
number of Russian,
     Byelorussians, and Ukrainians  actually under German occupation, and so
who had the opportunity
     to offer their criminal collaboration so that even though the number of
Russian collaborators is
     low,  the   Russian  collaboration   rate  is   high  because   only  a
comparatively small number of
     Russians found themselves under German occupation.

     Balts
     Austrians
     Russians and Byelorussians
     Germans
     Poles
     Ukrainians
     Western Europeans
     20
     10
     8
     6
     4
     3
     0.5
     11,000
     8,500
     9,000
     45,000
     7,500
     11,000
     3,000
     ______
     95,000


     The figure of 11,000 for Ukrainians  being some three times higher than
my speculative figure of
     3,600  can  be  explained  by  the Israeli  researchers  using  a  more
inclusive definition of what
     constituted   collaboration    (where   I   was   specifying   criminal
collaboration) and might be explained
     too by the  Israeli researchers requiring weaker evidence than would be
required to commence
     criminal prosecution (where I was demanding evidence which would launch
a criminal
     prosecution).  In any  case, whether it's one criminal collaborator per
10,000 Ukrainians or
     three makes no difference to the fundamental argument  which  I propose
below.

     And that argument is that  Mr. Safer is  condemning all  Ukrainians for
crimes committed by
     something in the order of one Ukrainian out of every  ten thousand - or
at the very most, three
     Ukrainians  out of every ten  thousand - and  this  leads  to  the most
serious charge that can be
     brought against the quality of his reasoning - which is the charge that
he is engaging in this
     primitive,   retrogressive,  atavistic,  anti-intellectual  notion   of
collective guilt. One
     individual out of ten  thousand in a group commits a crime, from which,
according to Mr. Safer,
     it  follows  that  the  entire  group  deserves to  be  condemned.  How
bracingly Medieval! How
     refreshingly deviant from modern notions of culpability! How Nazi!  And
for how many
     generations, we  might ask Mr.  Safer,  must this  collective guilt  be
carried? - The answer is, of
     course,  for all eternity.  And why? - Why simply because the notion of
collective guilt is no
     more than a club by  means of which one group bludgeons another, and as
that club is eternally
     useful, it is never shelved.

     Mr.  Safer  does not  stop to reflect that collective guilt  - and more
particularly eternal
     collective guilt - is  a two-edged  sword, and that this sword has been
used to cut the Jewish
     people themselves. Eternal collective guilt permits the conclusion that
an American Jew today
     bears the guilt for Lazar Kaganovich administering the Ukrainian famine
of 1932-1933, or - why
     stop there? - that a Jewish child  who will be born in the next century
will still be a
     Christ-killer. This  is  the  quality  of discourse which Morley  Safer
sanctioned in "The Ugly Face
     of Freedom."

     Another thought that occurs is that if all it takes is no more than one
Nazi per ten thousand
     people  in a  group to condemn the whole group as Nazi, then what group
is safe? Take the Jews:
     they had their  kapos (Jewish Nazi  police), their Judenrat (Council of
Elders administering Nazi
     policies), their  Jewish  collaborators and informers.  Mr.  Safer made
much of Ukrainian auxiliary
     police helping the Germans, but  did not  seem to be  aware  that under
threat of immediate death,
     collaboration was forthcoming from more than one direction:

     The Judische Ordnungsdienst, as the Jewish police in the  ghettos  were
called,
     furnished thousands of men for seizure operations. In the Warsaw ghetto
alone
     the Jewish  police numbered approximately 2500; in Lodz they were about
1200 men
     strong; the  Lvov ghetto had  an Ordnungsdienst of  500 men; and so on.
(Raul
     Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1961, p. 310)


     Given such large  numbers of  Jewish police  as those mentioned  above,
then for every story of
     Ukrainian  police  auxiliary coming to  arrest a  Jew  on behalf of the
Nazis, would it be hard to
     find a story  of Jewish police auxiliary coming to do exactly the same?
In the game of saving
     one's life by serving a ruthless master with enthusiasm, were there not
a few Jews who also
     excelled?

     But  to point out  that  Jews also  provided manpower  for Nazi  police
actions may be to understate
     the case. In fact, it is possible to entertain the notion that wherever
feasible, anti-Jewish
     police  actions fell  within the  exclusive jurisdiction of the  Jewish
kapos:

     The Satanic plan  of the  Nazis assured that  the personal fate of each
Jew -
     whether for life or death - be exclusively  left up to the decisions of
the
     "councils of elders" [Judenrat]. The  Nazis, from time to time, decided
upon a
     general quota for the work of the camps and for extermination, but the
     individual selection was left up to the "council of elders", with the
     enforcement of kidnappings and arrests also placed in the  hands of the
Jewish
     police (kapos). By this shrewd method, the Nazis were highly successful
in
     accomplishing mass murder and  poisoning  the atmosphere of  the ghetto
through
     moral degeneration and corruption.  (Reb Moshe  Shonfeld, The Holocaust
Victims
     Accuse: Documents and  Testimony on  Jewish War  Criminals,  1977,  pp.
119-120,
     emphasis added)


     In his moving letter to the editor below, Israel Shahak underlines that
almost all the
     administrative tasks and policing required  by  the Nazis was placed in
Jewish hands, that Jewish
     collaborators were ubiquitous, and that it was Jewish collaborators who
rendered the Jewish
     Holocaust feasible  and who stood as obstacles  in  the path  of Jewish
resistance:

     Falsification of the Holocaust

     Letter to  the editor by Prof. Israel Shahak, published  on 19 May 1989
in Kol Ha'ir,
     Jerusalem.
     Available online at:
     http://www.kaiwan.com/codoh/newsdesk/890519.HTML

     I  disagree with the  opinion of Haim  Baram that the Israeli education
system
     has managed to instil a 'Holocaust awareness' in its pupils (Kol Ha'Ir
     12.5.89). It's not an awareness of the Holocaust but rather the myth of
the
     Holocaust or even a falsification of the  Holocaust (in the sense  that
'a
     half-truth is worse than a lie') which has been instilled here.
     As one who himself lived through the Holocaust, first in Warsaw then in
     Bergen-Belsen, I will  give an immediate example of the total ignorance
of daily
     life during the Holocaust. In the Warsaw ghetto, even during the period
of the
     first massive extermination (June to October  1943), one  saw almost no
German
     soldiers. Nearly all the work of administration, and later the work of
     transporting hundreds of thousands of Jews to their deaths, was carried
out by
     Jewish collaborators. Before the outbreak of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising
(the
     planning of which only started after the  extermination of the majority
of Jews
     in Warsaw), the Jewish underground killed, with  perfect justification,
every
     Jewish  collaborator  they  could  find.  If  they had not done so  the
Uprising
     could never have started. The  majority of the population of the Ghetto
hated
     the collaborators  far more  than the German Nazis. Every Jewish  child
was
     taught, and  this saved  the lives of some them "if you enter a  square
from which
     there are three  exits,  one  guarded by  a German  SS  man, one by  an
Ukrainian and
     one  by a  Jewish  policeman,  then  you should first try  to  pass the
German, and
     then maybe the Ukrainian, but never the Jew".
     One of my own strongest memories is that, when the Jewish underground
     killed  a  despicable collaborator  close to  my  home  at the  end  of
February 1943,
     I  danced and sang around the  still bleeding corpse together  with the
other
     children. I still do not regret this, quite the contrary.
     It is clear that such events were not exclusive to the Jews, the entire
     Nazi success in easy and continued rule over millions of people stemmed
from
     the subtle and  diabolical use of collaborators,  who  did most  of the
dirty work
     for them. But does anybody now know about this? This, and not what is
     'instilled'  was  the  reality.  Of  the  Yad  Vashem  (official  state
Holocaust
     museum  in Jerusalem - Ed.) theatre, I do not wish to speak at all. It,
and its
     vile exploiting, such as honouring  South Africa collaborators with the
Nazis
     are truly beneath contempt.
     Therefore, if we knew  a little of the truth  about the  Holocaust,  we
would
     at least understand (with or without agreeing) why the Palestinians are
now
     eliminating their  collaborators. That  is the only means they  have if
they wish
     to continue to struggle against our limb-breaking regime.

     Kind regards,
     [Israel Shahak]


     To   bring  closer  to  home   and  closer  to   the  present  day  the
inadvisability of attributing
     collective guilt, we  may note that  more than one out of every hundred
Americans is presently
     sitting in  jail, and yet we  do not from this  condemn Americans as  a
nation of criminals. And so
     if we  extract from this  the  conclusion that a participation  rate as
high as one out of every
     hundred  is  insufficient   to   depict   the  entire   population   as
participants, then Ukrainians should
     be allowed a total of  360,000 criminal collaborators - a  number never
yet broached - without
     Ukrainians being collectively condemned as Nazis.

     The   plea  to  avoid  ascribing  collective   guilt   is  not  new  to
Ukrainian-Jewish relations, and has
     been put forward by both sides. It is time that the plea was heeded:

     Even as  we  Jews justly disclaim responsibility  for  the acts of  the
Jewish
     Bolshevist commissars and for the disgraceful actions of those Jews who
     participated in the work of the Bolshevist chekas (Secret Police), the
     Ukrainian  people has a full right  to  disclaim any responsibility for
those who
     have besmirched themselves by pogrom activities. (Arnold Margolin,  The
Jews of
     Eastern  Europe,  1926,  p.  124,  in   Andrew  Gregorovich,  Jews  and
Ukrainians, Forum
     No. 91, Fall-Winter, 1994, p. 30)



     Additional material on Jewish collaboration with the Nazis can be found
in my discussion of the
     Jewish Ghetto  Police  in  my  Letter  17  to Anne  McLellan,  Canada's
Minister of Justice.



        CONTENTS:
     Preface
     The Galicia Division
     Quality of Translation
     Ukrainian Homogeneity
     Were Ukrainians Nazis?
     Simon Wiesenthal
     What Happened in Lviv?
     Nazi Propaganda Film
     Collective Guilt
     Paralysis of the Comparative
     Function
     60 Minutes' Cheap Shots
     Ukrainian Anti-Semitism
     Jewish Ukrainophobia
     Mailbag
     A Sense of Responsibility
     What 60 Minutes Should Do
     PostScript



     Paralysis of the Comparative Function

     Positions taken by Morley Safer acquire meaning - can only be evaluated
- following relevant
     comparisons,  but  Mr. Safer  fails  to  make  these  comparisons.  For
example, Ukrainian assistance
     to Jews during the Jewish Holocaust acquires significance - indeed, may
be thrown into a wholly
     new  light - when  compared  to  Jewish assistance to Jews  during  the
Jewish Holocaust, but Mr.
     Safer does not  make such a comparison. Ukrainian  cruelty on behalf of
the Nazis acquires
     significance when compared to Jewish cruelty  on  behalf of the  Nazis,
but Mr. Safer does not make
     this  comparison. Ukrainians saving Jews (a possibility totally ignored
by Mr. Safer) is given a
     new  significance  when  compared with Jews saving Ukrainians  at times
when such aid was possible -
     and of course Mr. Safer  never reaches a point where he could make such
a comparison.


     Comparison 1: Ukrainians Helping Jews Compared to Jews Helping Jews

     We  have  seen above that  countless Ukrainians risked  their lives and
gave their lives to save
     Jews. And what, let us now  ask, were those who today level accusations
of genetic anti-Semitism
     against Ukrainians  doing  at  the same time? What,  for  example, were
American Jews doing? The
     generous view is that they were doing little:

     No American Jew appeared to have  altered his life  style once  news of
the
     Holocaust was revealed.  Even at the time, some observers were repelled
by the
     often festive atmosphere of Jewish social life in a period of wartime
     prosperity.  (Howard M. Sachar, A History of the Jews in America, 1992,
p. 550)


     Over the centuries the dispersion of the Jews had a functional utility:
     whenever  some part of  the  Jewish  community  was  under  attack,  it
depended on
     help from the other Jews. In the period of  the Nazi  regime, this help
did not
     come. (Raul Hilberg,  The Destruction  of  the European Jews, 1985,  p.
1052)


     This question  has haunted me ever since the war: Why  did  the Jews of
the free
     world act as they did? Hadn't our people survived persecution and exile
     throughout the centuries because of its spirit of solidarity?  ... When
one
     community suffered, the  others  supported it, throughout the Diaspora.
Why was
     it different this time?  (Elie Wiesel,  Memoirs: All Rivers Run to  the
Sea,
     1995, p. 63)


     A  less indulgent view, however, is that Jews not under Nazi occupation
- particularly American
     and British Jews - knowingly,  willfully, calculatedly sacrificed their
trapped European
     coreligionists:

     In his book, "In Days of Holocaust and Destruction," Yitzchak Greenbaum
     writes, "when they asked me, couldn't you give  money out of the United
Jewish
     Appeal funds for the rescue  of Jews in Europe, I said, 'NO!' and I say
again,
     'NO!'  ...  one  should resist  this  wave  which  pushes  the  Zionist
activities to
     secondary importance."
     In January, 1943, the leadership of the absorption and enlisting fund
     decided to bar all appeals on behalf of rescuing Jews. It is explicitly
stated
     in the "Sefer Hamagbis" (Book  of  Appeals)  that the reasons  for this
prohibition
     were because of other obligations in Eretz Yisroel.
     In the beginning  of  February,  1943, Yitzchak  Greenbaum  addressed a
meeting
     in Tel Aviv on the subject, "the Diaspora and the Redemption," in which
he
     stated:
     "For the rescue of the Jews in the Diaspora, we should consolidate our
     excess strength and  the surplus of powers that we have. When they come
to us
     with two  plans  - the rescue of the  masses of  Jews  in Europe or the
redemption
     of the land [in Palestine] - I vote, without a second thought, for the
     redemption  of  the land. The  more  said  about  the slaughter of  our
people, the
     greater the minimization of our efforts to strengthen and promote the
     Hebraization of  the  land. If there would be a  possibility  today  of
buying
     packages  of  food  [for Jews  in Nazi captivity] with the money of the
"Keren
     Hayesod" (United Jewish Appeal) to  send it through Lisbon, would we do
such a
     thing?  No! And once again  No!"  (Reb  Moshe  Shonfeld,  The Holocaust
Victims
     Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish  War Criminals,  1977, p. 26,
emphasis
     added)


     Mr. Schwalb expressed the complete Zionist ideology and  stated clearly
and
     openly  the politics of the Zionist leaders in the area of  rescue: the
shedding
     of Jewish blood in the Diaspora is necessary in order for  us to demand
the
     establishment of a "Jewish" state before a peace commission. Money will
be
     sent to save a group of "chalutzim" (pioneers),  while the remainder of
Czech
     Jewry must resign  itself to annihilation in the  Auschwitz crematoria.
(Reb
     Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims  Accuse:  Documents and Testimony
on Jewish
     War Criminals, 1977, p. 28, emphasis added)


     We have previously quoted the words of Yitzchak Greenbaum,  chairman of
the
     "rescue committee" of the  Jewish Agency in Eretz Yosroel, who  refused
to
     allocate even  one dollar  of  United Jewish Appeal  funds for  food to
those who
     were fighting off  the pangs  of  hunger. This approach was totally  in
consonance
     with his famous  slogan, to the effect that, "one goat in Eretz Yisroel
is more
     important than an entire community in the Diaspora." How could he thus
     withhold a package of straw from a Holy Land goat in order to send food
to a
     starving infant? But if that is not enough, the Zionists acted like the
fiend
     who declared that he not only would not give, but he also would not let
others
     give (whom our Sages called a "rosho" - a  wicked person). The  Zionist
leaders
     weren't satisfied merely  with the crime of sitting  idly by and  doing
nothing.
     They  labored with all their might  to forcefully prevent  others  from
helping the
     sufferers  in the  ghetto.  (Reb Moshe  Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims
Accuse:
     Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, pp. 44-45)


     One  cow  in Palestine is  worth more  than  all  the  Jews  in Poland.
(Yitzchak
     Greenbaum  in   Reb  Moshe  Shonfeld,  The  Holocaust  Victims  Accuse:
Documents and
     Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, p. 116)


     The  Antonescu  Offer.  Reb Moshe  Shonfeld's  book  documents  several
instances of offers being
     made, sometimes by the Nazis, to release Jews for a fixed price, and of
the offers being
     declined  by  Zionist  leaders. The Romanian  government,  for example,
offered 70,000 Jews at $50
     apiece. These Jews could have been transported to Palestine  via Turkey
- a few days' ride by
     truck. The Romanian offer was confirmed  by  the U.S. State Department.
The offer would become
     void once Romania was occupied by the Germans - an occupation  that was
imminent. Ben Hecht in
     his  book  Perfidy  relates  placing  the  following  ad  in  New  York
newspapers:

        FOR SALE
     70,000 JEWS
     AT
     $50 APIECE
     GUARANTEED HUMAN BEINGS


     Zionist leaders,  however, denied  the existence  of such an  offer and
sabotaged fund-raising
     efforts. As a  result, the 70,000  Romanian Jews perished. Ben  Hecht's
indignation is
     unrestrained:

     But in 1943, we, who called out the plight of the Romanian Jews to the
     world, were discredited by the Zionist unions, the established Zionist
     leadership and  their associated philanthropies, as scandalmongers. Our
attempt
     to get the Jews out of Romania before the Germans came was scotched.
     The 70,000 Jews who might have been saved were herded into barns by the
     Germanized  Romanians  under General  Antonescu, hosed  with  gasoline,
ignited, and
     shot down when they came blazing and screaming out of their cauldrons.
     Was it for this the conspirators of Silence had been holding their
     high-level meetings, fraternizing with  presidents  and prime ministers
and
     keeping intact Weizmann's ... policy of an  'exclusive'  ... Palestine?
This
     Silence,  this  wretched  business of  Jewish leaders lying  about  the
slaughter of
     Europe's Jewry - trying to hide it, soft-pedal it - for what?
     These organizations, these philanthropists, these timorous Jewish lodge
     members in Zion,  in London and America - these Zionist leaders who let
their
     six  million  kinsmen  burn,   choke,  hang,   without  protest,   with
indifference, and
     even  with a glint of anti-Semitic cunning in their political plannings
- I sum
     up against them. These factotums,  these policy-makers,  the custodians
of the
     Jewish future in  Palestine ... these Zionist  men and women -  I  haul
into the
     prisoner's  dock of  this  book.  (Ben  Hecht, Perfidy,  in  Reb  Moshe
Shonfeld, The
     Holocaust  Victims  Accuse:  Documents  and  Testimony  on  Jewish  War
Criminals,
     1977, p. 102)


     The Eichmann Offer. The war afforded  more than one opportunity to save
Jews. Here is another
     significant  opportunity,  the  offer this  time coming  directly  from
Adolph Eichmann:

     So  I am ready to sell you - a million Jews.  ...  What do  you want to
save?
     Virile men? Grown women? Old people? Children? Sit down - and talk. ...
     Now I am going to prove to you that I trust you more than you trust me.
When
     you ... tell me that the offer has been accepted, I will [as an initial
     demonstration of good faith, even before you make any payment] dissolve
     Auschwitz and  move 10 percent of the  promised million  to the border.
You take
     over  the 100,000 Jews and  deliver for  them afterwards  one  thousand
trucks. And
     then  the deal will  proceed step by  step. (Adolph Eichmann, quoted in
Raul
     Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 1133-1134)


     Eichmann's initiative, according  to  his testimony  in  Jerusalem, had
been
     influenced largely by the propensity of  rival SS factions to negotiate
with the
     Jews.  He was going to confine the offer  to freeing  100,000 Jews, but
then
     thought that  only a major gesture, involving a million,  was  going to
have any
     impact.  When  Himmler  approved  the  scheme,  Eichmann  was  actually
surprised.
     (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 1134)


     However, Joel Brand, attempting to negotiate this exchange, met with no
support, either from
     representatives of the Allied  nations, or from Jewish representatives.
When he realized that
     the offer would not be accepted, he burst out with:

     Do you  know  what you are doing? That  is  simply murder! That is mass
murder.
     ... [O]ur best  people  will  be slaughtered!  My  wife! My mother!  My
children
     will be first!  (Raul Hilberg,  The  Destruction of the European  Jews,
1985, p.
     1137)


     Among the objections was  not that the deal would fail, but rather that
it was undesirable that
     the deal succeed:

     "But  Mr.  Brand," the British host exclaimed, "what  shall  I do  with
those
     million Jews? Where shall  I put them?" (Raul  Hilberg, The Destruction
of the
     European Jews, 1985, P. 1140)


     The  plain fact was  that  there was  no place on earth that would have
been ready
     to accept the Jews, not even this one million. (Adolph Eichmann in Raul
     Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 1140)


     A  similar  comment  was  made  with  respect  to  the  above-mentioned
Antonescu Plan:

     The British Foreign Office ... was concerned with the "difficulties of
     disposing  of any considerable number of  Jews" in the  event  of their
release
     from Axis  Europe. ... [W]ithin  the Foreign  Office there was fear  of
large-scale
     success.... (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews,  1985,
P.
     1140)


     And a  similar  reaction  with respect to  discussions  concerning  the
rescue of Bulgarian Jews:

     Hull  raised  the question  of  the 60 or  70 thousand Jews that are in
Bulgaria and
     are  threatened with extermination unless we  could get  them out  and,
very
     urgently, pressed Eden for an answer  to the problem. Eden replied that
the
     whole  problem of the  Jews in Europe is  very  difficult  and  that we
should move
     very cautiously about offering to take all Jews out of a country like
     Bulgaria. If we do that, then the Jews  of the world will be wanting us
to make
     similar efforts in Poland and Germany. Hitler might well take  us up on
any
     such  offer  and  there  simply  are  not  enough  ships and  means  of
transportation in
     the  world  to  handle  them.  (Harry  Hopkins  in  Raul  Hilberg,  The
Destruction of
     the European Jews, 1985, P. 1122)


     The role played by Jews in the  Allied indifference was, to repeat, one
of support of inaction:

     There is considerable difference of opinion among the Jewish people  as
to the
     policies  which  should be pursued  in  rescuing  and  assisting  these
unfortunate
     people, and no one course of action would be agreeable to all persons
     interested  in  this problem. (American Secretary of State Hull in Raul
Hilberg,
     The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 1125)



     The Rudolph Vrba  Accusation.  The reports above of American  Jews  and
world Jews doing little to
     save their coreligionists under Nazi occupation, or of even obstructing
efforts to save them, or
     reports of the Antonescu Offer, or of the Eichmann offer - these do not
exhaust the accounts
     leading to the  conclusion that the Jewish role  in saving Jewish lives
during World War II fell
     short  of  heroic,   and   perhaps  was   typically   complicitous   or
collaborative, and sometimes even
     becoming criminally so. Rather, other such accounts can be found, among
them the one offered by
     Dr. Rudolph Vrba  in the Oshawa Times account  below. Vrba's accusation
standing by itself falls
     short  of  totally  convincing,  and  would need  to  be  bolstered  by
substantive detail before it was
     given full credit. Nevertheless, Vrba's accusation is  reproduced below
to demonstrate that the
     accusations of Jewish non-assistance focus on many events in many parts
of the world, and
     because it  heightens the probability that further  investigation would
credit some of these
     accusations:

     Jewish Council Blamed For Deaths of 400,000

     FRANKFURT (AP) - A Canadian professor contends that 400,000 jews killed
by
     the Nazis at the Auschwitz extermination camp could have been saved had
the
     Budapest  Jewish Council  warned them in time instead  of  co-operating
with the
     Nazis.
     Dr.  Rudolph  Vrba,  43,  associate professor  of  pharmacology at  the
University
     of British Columbia, in an interview gave an account of his escape from
     Auschwitz  and his efforts  to warn the  world of the  fate threatening
more than
     1,000,000 Hungarian Jews.
     Vrba  testified last Friday  at  the trial here of two former SS (Elite
Corps)
     colonels charged with the mass murder of Hungarian jews during the war.
     Vrba,  a  native of  Czechoslovakia  and  a Jew  by birth, said he  was
deported
     to Maidanek concentration camp near Lublin,  Poland, in June, 1942, and
two
     weeks later transferred to Auschwitz.
     In the spring of 1944, he heard  that 1,000,000 Hungarian Jews  were to
die
     at the notorious camp and decided to  flee and tell the world about the
crime
     that was going to be committed.
     Together with another prisoner, he hid in early April, 1944, underneath
a
     pile  of construction wood within the outer security  zone of the  camp
which
     usually was not closely guarded.
     After spending three days in their hideout with hardly any food the two
     family [sic]  made their  getaway  and  eventually  crossed the  Slovak
border.
     In Cadca, Slovakia, he informed the Jewish Council which in turn passed
on
     the  information to the Bratislava  and Budapest Jewish  councils, Vrba
said.
     But, he  said  "The Budapest  Jewish Council were co-operating with the
Nazi
     authorities who promised them that they would allow some  2,000  select
Jews to
     travel to  Switzerland if they hid from  the Jewish community the truth
about
     what was in store for them at Auschwitz."
     Thus, he added, Hungarian Jews did  not put up any resistance when they
were
     taken to  the Auschwitz death  camp, believing that  they  were  merely
being
     "resettled."
     Vrba  continued  that  only  after  Swiss  newspapers  June  22,  1944,
published
     his story about the Hungarian Jews and  copies of his  report were sent
to U.S.
     President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Pope, protests from several
     governments,  including  the  U.S.,  British  and Swedish  governments,
forced the
     Hungarian  head of government, Admiral Horthy, to stop the deporting of
more
     Jews from the country.
     Vrba was born Walter Rosenberg but changed his name after escaping from
     Auschwitz. (Oshawa Times, December 30, 1968)



     Jewish help compared to Ukrainian  help. And so here we are faced  with
the following
     incongruity.  Ukrainians were dying  at  the hands of  the  Nazis, were
dying fighting the Nazis,
     were dying saving Jews - and yet Morley  Safer now brands Ukrainians as
Nazis. In contrast,
     American Jews  were not allowing the Jewish Holocaust to interfere with
their lifestyles, were
     vetoing proposals to assist and rescue European Jews,  and yet they are
now privileged to accuse
     Ukrainians  of being Nazis. People who  did next to nothing to save the
European Jews, people who
     obstructed  the  rescue  of  European Jews, people who acted  while not
under threat of death now
     turn around and judge  those  who while  under threat of death  did not
live up to impossibly high
     moral standards.

     Appropriately did  Reb Moshe Shonfeld  place  on the title page  of his
book The Holocaust Victims
     Accuse: Documents and Testimony  on Jewish War Criminals the quotations
"Our enemies will
     subjugate  you"  (Vayikra)  -  "Those  enemies  will  be  from  within"
(Chazal). Reading Reb Shonfeld's
     book invites the  conclusion  that  Morley Safer's searching  for  Nazi
collaborators in Ukraine was
     misplaced  -  perhaps it  is the  case that the  largest  repository of
unprosecuted Nazi
     collaborators today is to be found  in the state of Israel; and invites
consideration of the
     further conclusion that Morley Safer's searching for enemies of Judaism
in Ukraine is similarly
     misplaced  -  he  might  instead have  looked for the  truly  dangerous
enemies within - for Jews like
     Simon Wiesenthal, Rabbi Yaakov Dov Bleich, Elie Wiesel, Jerzy Kosinski,
and - yes - Morley Safer
     himself. Their misstatements  lower  Jewish  credibility; their  hatred
incites a reactionary
     anti-Semitism.

     In fact, Morley Safer's accusation of Ukrainian collaboration with  the
Nazis is not a cry for
     justice nor an  advancement  of  historical  truth, but  is,  rather, a
weapon sometimes brandished
     under political motivation even when  the facts do not justify its use,
and at other times
     sheathed,  also for political reasons, even when the facts cry out  for
its use. Thus, a
     Ukrainian may be  prosecuted even though the  evidence  against  him is
patently fraudulent, as was
     the case  in the trial of Ivan  Demjanjuk (Yoram Sheftel, The Demjanjuk
Affair: The Rise and Fall
     of  a  Show-Trial,  1994).  A  Jewish  Zionist,  in  contrast,  may  go
unprosecuted for very real
     collaboration with  the  Nazis, though he may be unable to  avoid final
justice imposed through
     individual action:

     Moldetsky, a leader of the Zionist Workers Party (Poalei Zion), who was
     appointed  head  of the council  of elders in Bedzin, and who, over the
course of
     years,  chose  thousands  of  Jews for forced labor and  extermination,
succeeded in
     remaining  alive. For the  mass  deportations,  Moldetsky  published  a
decree which
     was completely fraudulent and deceiving, in which he said: "Jews, dress
up in
     your  holiday clothes  and  march  joyfully  to  the  gathering  places
mentioned
     above. No one is to remain at home. ..." The Jews, in their innocence,
     obeyed him. The result was that people with large families - as well as
the
     elderly -  a total  of 8,000, were sent to  Auschwitz. The  babies were
pushed
     into sacks by the Nazis.
     ...
     After the war, Mold